Onward Christian Soldiers

Religion offered hope and solace to the retreating Army of Tennessee.

“Half clad, half armed, often half fed, without money and without price, the Confederate soldier fought against the resources of the world.” [i]

During the fall and winter of 1862-63 Confederates attended daily prayer meetings, revivals, and worship services.[ii]

Religion was the greatest weapon of the otherwise disadvantaged South, providing the will to fight even against impossible odds.[iii]

“Modern history presents no example of armies so nearly converted into churches as the armies of Southern defense. On the crest of this flood of war, which threatens to engulf our freedom, rides a pure Christianity; the Gospel of the grace of God shines through the smoke of battle with the light that leads to heaven; and the camp becomes a school for Christ.”

~ Rev. A. E. Dickinson

The conversions were often dramatic. Even the daring and notoriously reckless John Hunt Morgan turned to Christianity and bible study after his 1862 marriage to Mattie Ready.[iv] Morgan frequently wrote tender letters reassuring his young wife:

“I must close tonight….It is getting late and my candle is quite low. Shall read two chapters in my Prayer Book you gave me… and in bidding you goodnight send you a heart full of love….”[v]

ENDNOTES

[i] Baskett, G. H. The Confederate Veteran, Vol. I, No. 12, Nashville, Tenn., December 1893.
[ii] Brooks, Gene. “Revivals in the Confederate Armies” 1996.
[iii] Romero, Sidney J. “Religion in the Rebel Ranks,” 1983.
[iv] Jones, Shirley Farris. “ Mattie Ready Morgan: The Hardships of War,” December 31, 2007 The Murfreesboro Post http://www.murfreesboropost.com/news.php?viewStory=8359
[v] Ramage, James A. “Rebel Raider: Chap 14, p. 160.

Perryville

The Battle of Perryville, sketched by Mr. H. Mosler[i]

“The South was holding on to an ideology that was more traditional. The North represented change. Corporations, commerce - not bad things - but different things and change was a threat.”[ii]

September 20 - October 3, 1862

General Braxton Bragg moved to occupy Bardstown, establishing his headquarters at Edgewood, the house our family knows as the home of Dr. Harry Spalding.[iii]

“Bragg was courageous, and at times imaginative, resourceful, and bold. But he was never patient, either with his men or with the enemy, and he lacked that imperturbability and resolution so necessary in field commanders. Handicapped by poor health, he had no real taste for combat. And he was not lucky. Nor did he have the ability to inspire confidence in his subordinates. Notoriously inept at getting along with people he disliked, he simply could not win the loyalty of his chief lieutenants. He lacked what has been called the common touch. By training and by preference a regular army man, contemptuous of volunteers and a democratic military establishment, he was unsuited to lead an army composed overwhelming of individualistic citizen-soldiers. A mediocre tactician, he seemed unaware of the technological changes that had outdated pre-war assault tactics and strengthened the advantages of defensive combat.”[iv]

The war was had become a part of the daily lives of Southerners. Even women, who were expected to refrain from political arguments and public speaking, publicly lent their pens and voices to the support of the war.

"I was never a Secessionist, for I quietly adopted father's views on political subjects without meddling with them. But even father went over with his State, and when so many outrages were committed by the fanatical leaders of the North, though he regretted the Union, said, ‘Fight to the death for our liberty.’ I say so, too. I want to fight until we win the cause so many have died for. I don't believe in Secession, but I do in Liberty. I want the South to conquer, dictate its own terms, and go back to the Union, for I believe that, apart, inevitable ruin awaits both. It is a rope of sand, this Confederacy, founded on the doctrine of Secession, and will not last many years - not five. The North cannot subdue us. We are too determined to be free. They have no right to confiscate our property to pay debts they themselves have incurred. Death as a nation, rather than Union on such terms. We will have our rights secured on so firm a basis that it can never be shaken. If by power of overwhelming numbers they conquer us, it will be a barren victory over a desolate land. "

~ Sarah Morgan Dawson[v]


October 1862

J. Russell Butler’s 3rd Kentucky and D. Howard Smith’s 5th Kentucky regiments occupied Lexington.[vi]

James Edward Evans had become a member of the 3rd when the 1st was reorganized.

“3rd Cavalry Regiment was organized during the summer of 1862. In October the 1st Kentucky Cavalry Regiment merged into this command and at times was called the 1st (3rd) Kentucky Cavalry. It was assigned to Buford's, T. Harrison's, J. W. Grigsby's, J. S. Williams', and J. H. Lewis' Brigade, and skirmished in numerous actions in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia. Later the unit was active in the Atlanta Campaign, the defense of Savannah, and the campaign of the Carolinas. It surrendered with the Army of Tennessee in April, 1865. The field commanders were Colonel J. R. Butler, Lieutenant Colonels Jack Allen and Jacob W. Griffith, and Major J. Q. Chenoweth.”[vii]

“The 1st Kentucky Cavalry was mustered into service in October 1861, under the command of Col. Benjamin H. Helm. By the summer of 1862 its numbers were so depleted that it was reorganized and parceled out to other Kentucky regiments. At this time, Gibson Taylor--a 3rd lieutenant in the 1st Kentucky--was transferred into the command of John Hunt Morgan, under whom he was ‘noted for gallant and meritorious conduct.’”[viii]

October 3, 1862

Confederate General Braxton Bragg vexed with the scant numbers volunteering, sought a means by which he could conscript the unwilling male population of Kentucky into his army. Bragg hastily orchestrated the inauguration of Richard Hawes as the Provisional Governor of Kentucky in the occupied state capitol of Frankfort. The plan was foiled when a celebratory dinner after the ceremonies was interrupted by the approach of Union cavalry and artillery. The Provisional Government was again forced into exile in Tennessee.

October 4, 1862

Buford’s Brigade, along with the 3rd and 5th Kentucky Calvary regiments, was ordered to Versailles.[ix]

Meanwhile, General Whereton's Confederate Calvary, including Captain John Hunt Morgan's "Lexington Rifles" engaged the advance guard of Union General Don Carlos Buell's army at Bardstown. Buell's forces were driven back towards Louisville. Three days later, an Indiana regiment was surrounded and forced to surrender.

“They were about four miles from us when we heard of them Col Wharton ordered us forward immediately in a gallop We very soon made the distance and found them sure enough Their cavalry, four regiments —about two thousand— drawn up in line of battle in an old field and immediately across the road. Their infantry and artillery was on the left. My company was in the advance we charged them immediately without forming they let us get within ten steps of them and then turned loose a volley right in our faces this did not stop us a second we gave a yell you could hear for miles and run over and scattered them in every direction. This was the most complete victory I ever saw we killed forty or fifty of the enemy without the loss of a man. This was very strange considering we were fighting hand to hand. I captured a good horse and enough blankets for Ans and myself all the winter.”

~ M. A. Harvey, Company B, 8th Texas Cavalry[x]

Much needed rain was falling at last, slowing the Union troops marching along Bardstown Road and the path of Cox’s Creek.

“On October 4, Gilbert’s corps turned eastward. Sheridan’s division marched onto a muddy and slippery Bardstown Pike, skirmishing and marching through the rain to support Crittenden in case the Confederates decided to fight for the town, while others moved up Cox’s Creek parallel to the Pike.”[xi]

October 5, 1862

Buford’s Brigade now contained 2,000 cavalrymen and was composed of Butler’s 3rd Kentucky Regiment, H. Smith’s 5th Kentucky Regiment, and Grigsby’s 6th Kentucky Regiment.

When the 3rd and 5th arrived in Versailles, James Edward Evans and his comrades were ordered to patrol roads leading north-west toward Frankfort, and westward toward the Kentucky River.[xii]

“Union troops were in possession of our house and had ordered my mother to prepare a meal for them. She appeared to obey, and took me and a negro woman to the outdoor kitchen and from there escaped through a window, and the three of us spent the night in hiding, in a turnip field.”

~ Ella Johnson[xiii]

October 7-8, 1862

The Battle of Perryville began as a skirmish over a few precious pools of much needed water.

“For months, a severe drought affected the area. As Union and Confederate forces maneuvered around Perryville, both man and horse suffered intensely for want of water. Only stagnant pools were available for the thousands of thirsty soldiers. After the Union army left Louisville, some of the first casualties were caused by this dry, hot weather. One Union colonel wrote, ‘Today we passed two men laying on the roadside having died from sunstroke . . .’ The heat was unbearable, and Perryville’s Chaplin River was nearly dry.

On the night of October 7, the Southerners moved an advance unit of Arkansas troops between the dried waters of Bull Run and Doctor’s Creek, located west of town. When Union forces reached the area, a reconnaissance mission proved that small pools of water were available in Doctor’s Creek. The Union command ordered the water, and the heights overlooking it (called Peter’s Hill), secured. At 3:00 a.m. on October 8, Federal troops under Brigadier General Philip Sheridan moved on Peter’s Hill, driving back the Arkansas soldiers. The Battle of Perryville had begun.

On October 8, 1862, Watkins and 18,000 Confederates clashed with 20,000 Union troops on the hills outside of Perryville. Nearly 7,500 soldiers were killed and wounded in Kentucky’s largest Civil War battle. The Confederate failure to attain a decisive victory kept Kentucky in Union hands for the remainder of the war, stands as the High Water Mark of the Confederacy in the Western Theater, and marked the last major incursion of Confederate forces into the Commonwealth of Kentucky.” [xiv]

“Such obstinate fighting I never had seen before or since. The guns were discharged so rapidly that it seemed the earth itself was in a volcanic uproar. The iron storm passed through our ranks, mangling and tearing men to pieces… Our men were dead and dying right in the very midst of this grand havoc of battle."

~ Private Sam Watkins, CSA

The aftermath of the battle brought forth only greater chaos. Both Southern and Northern leadership crumbled.

While the Confederates had driven the Union off and were now in control of the coveted water supply, Braxton Bragg was deeply rattled by the loss of so many lives. In his report Bragg reflected:

“For the time engaged the severest and most desperately contested fighting within my knowledge.” [xv]

In dismay over their failing invasion of Kentucky, Braxton Bragg and Edmund Kirby Smith began a retreat into Tennessee.

U. S. General Don Carlos Buell was replaced by Gen. William Rosecrans.

“[It] makes one feel sad to think of such men being sacrificed amid the horrors of the battle field; and if such a noble army as is now in the field had only all learned that all wars and fighting are wrong and freedom the inalienable right of all, these scenes would never have been and doubtless this country remained a united people.”

~ Letter written by Sophia Jones, a young Quaker [xvi]

ENDNOTES
[i] Harper’s Weekly, November 1, 1862
[ii] "For God and Country: The Role of Religion in the Civil War" An Online Chat With Author Michael Aubrecht http://www.civilwarhome.com/religionincivilwar.htm
[iii] Hibbs ,Dixie “ Bardstown: Hospitality, History and Bourbon,” Chap. 3, pages 75 -76.
[iv] McWhiney, Grady. “Braxton Bragg and Confederate Defeat,” Volume I 1969.
[v] Dawson, Sarah Morgan. “Confederate Girl's Diary,” page 32.
[vi] Hafendorfer, Kenneth A. “They Died By Twos and Tens” 1995 p. 553.
[vii] NPS records http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss/
[viii] Thompson, Orphan Brigade, p. 996.
[ix] Hafendorfer, Kenneth A. “They Died By Twos and Tens” 1995 p. 665.
[x] Letter from M. A. Harvey to his niece Eva, University of Notre Dame Rare Books and Special Collections http://www.rarebooks.nd.edu/digital/civil_war/letters/harvey-ma/
[xi] Noe, Kenneth W. “Perryville: This Grand Havoc of Battle,” 2001, p. 121.
[xii] Hafendorfer, Kenneth A. “They Died By Twos and Tens” 1995 p. 667.
[xiii] Johnson, Ella“ Grandma Remembers” 1928
[xiv] Historic Perryville Official Web Site http://www.perryville.net/
[xv] OR , Volume XVI/1, S22 Series I
[xvi] Letter written to Mary Bettle by Sophia Jones, University of Notre Dame Rare Books and Special Collections, http://www.rarebooks.nd.edu/digital/civil_war/letters/bettle/

Civil War Chaplains: Pro Deo et Patria -For God And Country

During the Civil War, Union authorities appointed an estimated 3,000 chaplains to the Union forces.[i]

“Chaplains' duties in the Civil War encompassed many areas. Most important were the worship services they conducted in tents, outdoors or around campfires. Services often were ecumenical with Catholic and Protestant chaplains sharing duties. The themes of their sermons were either patriotism to the cause, or admonitions against "evil" behavior (i.e. swearing, gambling, drunkenness and so forth). Additional duties included evening prayer meetings, prayers at dress parades and officiating at weddings, baptisms, funerals and burials. Chaplains performed pastoral functions by counseling, providing guidance and comforting the sick and wounded. They formed temperance societies and opened informal schools to teach illiterate soldiers to read and write. Among other chores assigned to chaplains were those of postmaster, writer of letters for wounded and dying soldiers, writer of letters telling of a soldier's death, banker, ambulance driver, defense counselors and Army recruiters.”[ii]

Each Union regiment was provided its own chaplain[iii]. The orginal requirements for the position specified that chaplians be "regularly ordained ministers of some Christian denomination.” The wording of the requirement was changed on 17 July 1862 to allow for the appointment of Jewish chaplains.

Regardless of their denomination, Northern Chaplains were easily recognizable as the "uniform for chaplains of the Army” was “a plain black frock coat, with standing collar, and one row of nine brass buttons; plain black pantaloons, black felt hat or army forage cap." [iv]

“August 24, 1862

This is the holy Sabbath. Today I preached to an attentive audience of about 600 persons. Many wept. There are quite a number of religious men and officers in our regiment, yet much wickedness"

~ Chaplain Stephen C. Bowers, 67th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, Co. K[v]

Conversely, only 1,308 chaplains served the Confederate army during the Civil War.[vi] While it was not required that these men be ordained, each Southern chaplain had to obtain the approval of the regimental officer before beginning their ministry. Thus, men that desired to be chaplains in the Confederate Army first preached to a specific regiment several times then met with the officers and enlisted men. In turn, it was left to the officers and enlisted men to decide if they wished to request that their commanding Colonel secure a commission for the candidate to serve as their chaplain.[vii] This proved to be a long, trying, and dysfunctional process!

As many Southern chaplains lacked adequate training and credentials, they were often viewed within disdain. Stories of unbecoming behavior abounded. Southern evangelists frowned upon drinking, dancing, swearing and gambling, yet the chaplain of Mosby’s brigade was repeated seen dancing to popular tunes of the day as well as placing bets on horse races. [viii] Another chaplain saw fit to steal a farmer’s horse as he traveled through Virginia. He justified his action saying Jesus Christ “took an ass from his owner, whereon to ride to Jerusalem.” When his crime was discovered by an officer, the officer chided, “You are not Jesus Christ, this is not an ass; you are not on your way to Jerusalem; and the sooner you restore that horse to its owner, the better it will be for you.”[ix]

Confederate chaplains had neither official uniform nor insignia and thus wore whatever suited their needs. Seeking a means to identify themselves, the chaplains of the Army of Tennessee chose a “simple Maltese cross.”[x]

Northern or Southern, the chaplain’s job was a difficult, dangerous, and low paying. It was made worse by public condemnation of their work.

The War-Christian's Thanksgiving.

Respectfully dedicated to the War-Clergy of the United States.

By S. Teackle Wallis.

Oh, God of battles! once again,
With banner, trump, and drum,
And garments in thy wine-press dyed,
To give Thee thanks we come.

No goats or bullocks garlanded,
Unto thine altars go;
With brothers' blood, by brothers shed,
Our glad libations flow,

From pest-house and from dungeon foul,
Where, maimed and torn, they die,
From gory trench and charnel-house,
Where, heap on heap, they lie.

In every groan that yields a soul,
Each shriek a heart that rends,
With every breath of tainted air,
Our homage, Lord, ascends.

We thank Thee for the sabre's gash,
The cannon's havoc wild;
We bless Thee for the widow's tears,
The want that starves her child!

We give Thee praise that Thou hast lit
The torch, and fanned the flame;
That lust and rapine hunt their prey,
Kind Father, in Thy name!

That, for the songs of idle joy
False angels sang of yore,
Thou sendest War on earth--ill-will
To men for evermore!

We know that wisdom, truth, and right
To us and ours are given;
That Thou hast clothed us with the wrath,
To do the work of heaven.

We know that plains and cities waste
Are pleasant in Thine eyes--
Thou lov'st a hearthstone desolate,
Thou lov'st a mourner's cries.

Let not our weakness fall below
The measure of Thy will,
And while the press hath wine to bleed,
Oh, tread it with us still!

Teach us to hate--as Jesus taught
Fond fools, of yore, to love;
Give us Thy vengeance as our own--
Thy pity, hide above!

Teach us to turn, with reeking hands,
The pages of Thy word,
And learn the blessed curses there,
On them that sheathe the sword.

Where'er we tread may deserts spring,
'Till none are left to slay;
And when the last red drop is shed,
We'll kneel again--and pray!

ENDNOTES
[i] U S Army Chaplain Center and School, “ A brief History of the United States Army Chaplain Corps,” Chap. 3, http://www.usachcs.army.mil/history/brief/chapter_3.htm
[ii] Melnick, Rev. John, Ob. S. A. “Chaplain John’s History of Civil War Chaplains” http://www.angelfire.com/pa5/civilwarchaplain/
[iii] Act of 3 August 1861
[iv] General Order No. 102, 1861
[v] "The Civil War Diary of Chaplain Stephen C. Bowers," ed. Glenna R. Schroeder, Indiana Magazine of History, 79, no. 2 ,June 1983, p.171
[vi] Brinsfield, John Wesley, Jr. “ The Spirit Divided: Memories of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy,” 2005
[vii] Robinson-Durso, Pamela. “Chaplains in the Confederate Army,” Journal of Church & State, Autumn 91, pages 747-764
[viii] Norton, Herman. “Rebel Religion. The Story of Confederate Chaplains,” page 25
[ix] Honeywell, Roy. “Struggling For Recognition, The United States Army Chaplaincy, 1791-1865” Vol. II, 1977, p. 132
[x] Pitts, Charles F. “Chaplain in Gray. The Confederate Chaplains Story,” 1957., p. 44

A Minister’s Account of a “Colored Refugee Camp”

In his autobiography, Rev. Thomas James, an African-American minister, gave the following account of the conditions in Louisville.

“I returned to Rochester in 1856, and took charge of the colored church in this city. In 1862 I received an appointment from the American Missionary Society to labor among the colored people of Tennessee and Louisiana, but I never reached either of these states. I left Rochester with my daughter, and reported at St. Louis, where I received orders to proceed to Louisville, Kentucky. On the train, between St. Louis and Louisville, a party of forty Missouri ruffians entered the car at an intermediate station, and threatened to throw me and my daughter off the train. They robbed me of my watch. The conductor undertook to protect us, but, finding it out of his power, brought a number of Government officers and passengers from the next car to our assistance. At Louisville the government took me out of the hands of the Missionary Society to take charge of freed and refugee blacks, to visit the prisons of that commonwealth, and to set free all colored persons found confined without charge of crime. I served first under the orders of General Burbage, and then under those of his successor, General Palmer. The homeless colored people, for whom I was to care, were gathered in a camp covering ten acres of ground on the outskirts of the city. They were housed in light buildings, and supplied with rations from the commissary stores. Nearly all the persons in the camp were women and children, for the colored men were sworn into the United States service as soldiers as fast as they came in. My first duty, after arranging the affairs of the camp, was to visit the slave pens, of which there were five in the city. The largest, known as Garrison's, was located on Market Street, and to that I made my first visit. When I entered it, and was about to make a thorough inspection of it, Garrison stopped me with the insolent remark, "I guess no nigger will go over me in this pen." I showed him my orders, whereupon he asked time to consult the mayor. He started for the entrance, but was stopped by the guard I had stationed there. I told him he would not leave the pen until I had gone through every part of it. "So," said I, "throw open your doors, or I will put you under arrest." I found hidden away in that pen 260 colored persons, part of them in irons. I took them all to my camp, and they were free. I next called at Otterman's pen on Second Street, from which also I took a large number of slaves. A third large pen was named Clark's, and there were two smaller ones besides. I liberated the slaves in all of them. One morning it was reported to me that a slave trader had nine colored men locked in a room in the National hotel. A waiter from the hotel brought the information at daybreak. I took a squad of soldiers with me to the place, and demanded the surrender of the blacks. The clerk said there were none in the house. Their owners had gone off with "the boys" at daybreak. I answered that I could take no man's word in such a case, but must see for myself. When I was about to begin the search, a colored man secretly gave me the number of the room the men were in. The room was locked, and the porter refused to give up the keys. A threat to place him under arrest brought him to reason, and I found the colored men inside, as I had anticipated. One of them, an old man, who sat with his face between his hands, said as I entered: "So'thin' tole me last night that so'thin' was a goin' to happen to me." That very day I mustered the nine men into the service of the government, and that made them free men.

So much anger was excited by these proceedings, that the mayor and common council of Louisville visited General Burbage at his headquarters, and warned him that if I was not sent away within forty-eight hours my life would pay the forfeit. The General sternly answered them: ‘If James is killed, I will hold responsible for the act every man who fills an office under your city government. I will hang them all higher than Haman was hung, and I have 15,000 troops behind me to carry out the order. Your only salvation lies in protecting this colored man's life.’ During my first year and a half at Louisville, a guard was stationed at the door of my room every night, as a necessary precaution in view of the threats of violence of which I was the object. One night I received a suggestive hint of the treatment the rebel sympathizers had in store for me should I chance to fall into their hands. A party of them approached the house where I was lodged protected by a guard. The soldiers, who were new recruits, ran off in affright. I found escape by the street cut off, and as I ran for the rear alley I discovered that avenue also guarded by a squad of my enemies. As a last resort I jumped a side fence, and stole along until out of sight and hearing of the enemy. Making my way to the house of a colored man named White, I exchanged my uniform for an old suit of his, and then, sallying forth, mingled with the rebel party, to learn, if possible, the nature of their intentions. Not finding me, and not having noticed my escape, they concluded that they must have been misinformed as to my lodging place for that night. Leaving the locality they proceeded to the house of another friend of mine, named Bridle, whose home was on Tenth Street. After vainly searching every room in Bridle's house, they dispersed with the threat that if they got me I should hang to the nearest lamp-post. For a long time after I was placed in charge of the camp, I was forced to forbid the display of lights in any of the buildings at night, for fear of drawing the fire of rebel bushwhackers. All the fugitives in the camp made their beds on the floor, to escape danger from rifle balls fired through the thin siding of the frame structures.

I established a Sunday and a day school in my camp and held religious services twice a week as well as on Sundays. I was ordered by General Palmer to marry every colored woman that came into camp to a soldier unless she objected to such a proceeding. The ceremony was a mere form to secure the freedom of the female colored refugees; for Congress had passed a law giving freedom to the wives and children of all colored soldiers and sailors in the service of the government. The emancipation proclamation, applying as it did only to states in rebellion, failed to meet the case of slaves in Kentucky, and we were obliged to resort to this ruse to escape the necessity of giving up to their masters many of the runaway slave women and children who flocked to our camp.

I had a contest of this kind with a slave trader known as Bill Hurd. He demanded the surrender of a colored woman in my camp who claimed her freedom on the plea that her husband had enlisted in the federal army. She wished to go to Cincinnati, and General Palmer, giving me a railway pass for her, cautioned me to see her on board the cars for the North before I left her. At the levee I saw Hurd and a policeman, and suspecting that they intended a rescue, I left the girl with the guard at the river and returned to the general for a detail of one or more men. During my absence Hurd claimed the woman from the guard and the latter brought all the parties to the provost marshal's headquarters, although I had directed him to report to General Palmer with the woman in case of trouble; for I feared that the provost marshal's sympathies were on the slave owner's side. I met Hurd, the policeman and the woman at the corner of Sixth and Green streets and halted them. Hurd said the provost marshal had decided that she was his property. I answered -- what I had just learned that the provost marshal was not at his headquarters and that his subordinate had no authority to decide such a case. I said further that I had orders to take the party before General Palmer and proposed to do it. They saw it was not prudent to resist, as I had a guard to enforce the order. When the parties were heard before the general, Hurd said the girl had obtained her freedom and a pass by false pretenses. She was his property; he had paid $500 for her; she was single when he bought her and she had not married since. Therefore she could claim no rights under the law giving freedom to the wives of colored soldiers. The general answered that the charge of false pretenses was a criminal one and the woman would be held for trial upon it. ‘But,’ said Hurd, ‘she is my property and I want her.’ ‘No,’ answered the general, ‘we keep our own prisoners.’ The general said to me privately, after Hurd was gone: ‘The woman has a husband in our service and I know it; but never mind that. We'll beat these rebels at their own game.’ Hurd hung about headquarters two or three days until General Palmer said finally: ‘I have no time to try this case; take it before the provost marshal.’ The latter, who had been given the hint, delayed action for several days more, and then turned over the case to General Dodge. After another delay, which still further tortured the slave trader, General Dodge said to me one day: ‘James, bring Mary to my headquarters, supply her with rations, have a guard ready, and call Hurd as a witness.’ When the slave trader had made his statement to the same effect as before, General Dodge delivered judgment in the following words: ‘Hurd, you are an honest man. It is a clear case. All I have to do, Mary, is to sentence you to keep away from this department during the remainder of the present war. James, take her across the river and see her on board the cars.’ ‘But, general,’ whined Hurd, ‘that won't do. I shall lose her services if you send her north.’ ‘You have nothing to do with it; you are only a witness in this case,’ answered the general. I carried out the order strictly, to remain with Mary until the cars started; and under the protection of a file of guards, she was soon placed on the train en route for Cincinnati.

Among the slaves I rescued and brought to the refugee camp was a girl named Laura, who had been locked up by her mistress in a cellar and left to remain there two days and as many nights without food or drink. Two refugee slave women were seen by their master making toward my camp, and calling upon a policeman he had then seized and taken to the house of his brother-in-law on Washington street. When the facts were reported to me, I took a squad of guards to the house and rescued them. As I came out of the house with the slave women, their master asked me: ‘What are you going to do with them?’ I answered that they would probably take care of themselves. He protested that he had always used the runaway women well, and appealing to one of them, asked: ‘Have I not, Angelina?’ I directed the woman to answer the question, saying that she had as good a right to speak as he had, and that I would protect her in that right. She then said: ‘He tied my dress over my head Sunday and whipped me for refusing to carry victuals to the bushwhackers and guerrillas in the woods.’ I brought the women to camp, and soon afterwards sent them north to find homes. I sent one girl rescued by me under somewhat similar circumstances as far as this city to find a home with Colonel Klinck's family.

Up to that time in my career I had never received serious injury at any man's hands. I was several times reviled and hustled by mobs in my first tour of the district about the city of Rochester, and once when I was lecturing in New Hampshire a reckless, half-drunken fellow in the lobby fired a pistol at me, the ball shattering the plaster a few feet from my head. But, as I said, I had never received serious injury. Now, however, I received a blow, the effects of which I shall carry to my grave. General Palmer sent me to the shop of a blacksmith who was suspected of bushwhacking, with an order requiring the latter to report at headquarters. The rebel, who was a powerful man, raised a short iron bar as I entered and aimed a savage blow at my head. By an instinctive movement I saved my life, but the blow fell on my neck and shoulders, and I was for a long time afterwards disabled by the injury. My right hand remains partially paralyzed and almost wholly useless to this day.

Many a sad scene I witnessed at my camp of colored refugees in Louisville. There was the mother bereaved of her children, who had been sold and sent farther South lest they should escape in the general rush for the federal lines and freedom; children, orphaned in fact if not in name, for separation from parents among the colored people in those days left no hope of reunion this side the grave; wives forever parted from their husbands, and husbands who might never hope to catch again the brightening eye and the welcoming smile of the help-mates whose hearts God and nature had joined to theirs. Such recollections come fresh to me when with trembling voice I sing the old familiar song of anti-slavery days:

Oh deep was the anguish of the slave mother's heart
When called from her darling forever to part;
So grieved that lone mother, that broken-hearted mother
In sorrow and woe.
The child was borne off to a far-distant clime
While the mother was left in anguish to pine;
But reason departed, and she sank broken-hearted
In sorrow and woe.

I remained at Louisville a little over three years, staying for some months after the war closed in charge of the colored camp, the hospital, dispensary and government stores.[i]


ENDNOTES
[i] James,Thomas. “Wonderful Eventful Life of Rev. Thomas James, by Himself” 1887, pages 16 -21.

Johnny Has Gone For a Soldier

1861 cartoon depicting Scott’s Anaconda Plan[i]

“With fife and drum he marched away
He would not heed what I did say
He'll not come back for many a day
Johnny has gone for a soldier.” [ii]

During the first few days of the Civil War, Northern religious leaders, ever the lions of the pulpit, seized upon a critical moment indoctrinate their flocks.

“After Confederate forces opened fire on Fort Sumter in April 1861, the vast majority of Northern religious bodies—with the exception of the historic "peace" churches which on principle adhered to pacifism—ardently supported the war for the Union.” [iii]

April 15, 1861

In Washington, President Lincoln issued a proclamation announcing an "insurrection," and called for 75,000 troops to be raised. The U. S. Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, called upon the Commonwealth of Kentucky to produce four regiments to join the Union army. Kentucky’s Governor, Beriah Magoffin, flatly refused the request.

“I will send not a man, nor a dollar, for the wicked purpose of subduing my sister Southern states.”
~ Governor Beriah Magoffin [iv]

The following week, Magoffin, true to his netrual stance, rejected a similar call for troops from Confederate President Jefferson Davis.

Religious leaders were also forced to turned the focus of their attention to the war.

“Winter has gone and spring has come again, the gayest and loveliest of the seasons. How pleasant it is to walk forth in the green meadows or on the sunny side of the flower-decked hills! The orchard regales our senses with its fragrant blossoms, the groves and the meadows are clothing themselves in living green, the singing of birds has come, and all nature is joyous with new life. But alas, the din of war, and clash of arms are distracting our once happy land. The sectional strife, arising chiefly from the unfortunate contest about slavery, has culminated, and the result is a civil war between the north and the south. The attack of the secessionists on Fort Sumter has aroused such indignation in the loyal people of the free states that they are unanimous in favor of chastising the offenders. Active preparations for war are going on throughout the whole land. The President [Lincoln] has made a requisition upon the states for 75,000 men, and will soon call for more.”
~ Rev. Abraham Essick, Lutheran minister [v]

Ministers, such as Reverend Essick, became disseminators of propaganda during the war. The simple act of going to church became tantamount to attending a weekly war rally. Religious leaders felt duty bound to arouse patriotic frenzy within their congregations.

“It’s instructive to realize that most of those who attended local churches in the South during the war—and therefore listened week after week to their local pastor sacralizing the Southern war cause—were women and children. With husbands, sons and fathers off at war, women filled the pews, and in turn, the preachers filled the women’s hearts and minds with a new sense of their place in both politics and public action. It would be the women, they understood, who would be keeping the godly “covenant” with their morality, prayers, and home-front support of the war.”[vi]

May 28, 1861

Governor Magoffin, a Democrat, issued a proclamation formally declaring Kentucky's neutrality. Moderates hoped Kentucky could become a buffer zone between the North and South and act as a broker of peace. These hopes proved fruitless as both the Union and the Confederacy failed to pay heed.

The Confederate government was already trying to pull itself out of a calamitous predicament. Having been short sighted in regard to the financing of both a new nation and a large scale war; the Confederacy found itself in dire need of capitol. Thus it was forced to print unbacked currency.

“As early as May 1861 the Confederate government was issuing treasury notes that would not be redeemable in gold and silver until two years after the signing of a peace treaty establishing independence.” [vii]

September 3, 1861

Confederate forces, under General Leonidas Polk, marched into Kentucky and occupied the towns Columbus and Hickman. General Polk was resolved to occupy the rail terminal at Columbus, which a strong and defensible position along the Mississippi River. In the mid-1800’s rivers were important trade and transportation routes. Keeping the river transportation systems to remain open was imperative to the Confederacy. They had to have access to the river in order to export cotton, import war materials, and insure a means of rapid transportation. Kentucky statesmen wanted river traffic to remain open as well. Hemp and whiskey produced in Kentucky were shipped to Southern and European markets via the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. If the North could manage to interrupt river traffic, Kentucky's economy would suffer.

“In 1861, Polk accepted a commission as a major general in the Confederate Army. Though on leave from his duties as bishop, ‘the bishop-general’ was criticized in the North for serving jointly as churchman and warrior. Southerners saw it differently. ‘Like Gideon and David’ the Memphis Appeal proclaimed, ‘he is marshaling his legions to fight the battle of the Lord.’" [viii]

The North was well aware of how much the Confederacy dependent on the rivers. Thus, war wizened seventy-five-year-old General-in-Chief Winfield Scott, in developing the “Anaconda Plan,” called for taking control of the Mississippi River and blockading Southern ports to squeeze the import dependant Confederacy into submission.

"But what a cruel thing is war to separate and destroy families and friends, and mar the purest joys and happiness God has granted us in this world; to fill our hearts with hatred instead of love for our neighbors, and to devastate the fair face of this beautiful world."
~ General Robert E. Lee

September 5, 1861

Union forces under General Ulysses S. Grant moved to occupy Paducah, Kentucky to the north of Polk’s position.

Throughout the remainder of the war, the Confederate and Union Armies would seek control of the Commonwealth by means of invasion, occupation, and battle. Kentucky was strategically important to both the North and South. Both the North and South looked to Kentucky for supplies of tobacco, corn, wheat, hemp, and flax. However, it was the Confederacy that eyed Kentucky and the Ohio River as a both defensible boundary and a staging point for attacks against Northern targets.

South ministers proclaimed that the soldier was fighting for God. They further asserted that gentlemanliness and commitment to the Confederate Cause were Christian virtues.

“Religion, in other words, was not merely a rationalization, not merely ideology, but the very core of the Confederate nation. ..Indeed, it was the Confederacy and not its enemy who inscribed ‘Almighty God’ into its Constitution and who raised ‘God Will Avenge’ as its motto. Jefferson Davis frequently invoked the Christian God even as Abraham Lincoln spoke in more mystical religious language. The Confederacy considered itself the first great Christian nation, the instrument of God’s will, the beginning of something rather than its end.” [ix]

“When war broke out, [William] Pendleton[an Episcopal priest] reentered the military and quickly became the Confederate chief of artillery. In his first battle, Pendleton commanded four guns, which he dubbed ‘Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.’ He gave the command, ‘While we kill their bodies, may the Lord have mercy on their sinful souls—FIRE!’" [x]

September 11, 1861

Following the violation of Kentucky's neutrality, first by Confederate General Polk and then by Union General Grant, the pro Union Kentucky General Assembly passed a resolution calling on Governer Magoffin to order only the Confederate troops out of Kentucky. Magoffin vetoed the resolution but the General Assembly overrode his veto and Magoffin was forced to issue the proclamation. Citizens with Confederate sympathizes were outraged at the legislature's decision, arguing that Polk's troops had entered Kentucky only to counter Grant’s movements.

Meanwhile, all Southerners, including the Confederate troops, were feeling the effects of the blockade.

“Rations were light, provisions of all sorts scarce, luxuries unknown, and clothing without suspicion of style or fashion. Cut off by the blockade from foreign supplies, we were dependent upon home resources, already overtaxed and imperfect, for almost everything. Only cornbread, peas, and sorghum were plentiful. The latter took the place of molasses, and at the same time was known as ‘long sweetening,’ in the place of sugar, for our coffee, which consisted of parched rye or dried sweet potatoes. It was also the saccharine element of the ‘pies’…, they being the first investment from his meager pay. Only the blockade runners, or their intimate friends, could indulge in the luxuries of eating, and drinking, or in the display of fine clothes.”
~ John H. Claiborne, M. D. [xi]

September 18,1861

The Kentucky General Assembly officially abandoned the position of neutrality and declared for the Union. Union troops massed just across the state boarders with Ohio and Illinois strongly influenced this choice. Claims have been made that if the General Assembly had not declared for the Union, these troops would have crossed the river intent on conquering the Commonwealth.

"I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."
~ Abraham Lincoln, September 1861

September 20, 1861

With the General Assembly taking a pro-Union position, men who had publicly taken stances as Confederate sympathizers no longer felt comfortable residing in the Commonwealth. Late in the evening of September 20, 1861, under the cover of darkness, John Hunt Morgan secreted weapons and members of his Lexington Rifles militia unit out of Kentucky. The following evening, Morgan and a group of about twenty men made their escape. All of these men joined the Confederate Army once they reached the safety of Tennessee.

“Ann Clay, wife of pro-Union Kentucky legislator Brutus Junius Clay, found her stepson's bed empty but for this note stating that he had gone to join the Confederate army:

September 24, 1861

B.J. Clay and family,

I leave for the army tonight. I do it for I believe I am doing right. I go of my own free will. If it turns out I do wrong I beg forgiveness.

Goodbye to you all. You will hear from me soon.

E. F. Clay [Zeke]” [xii]

ENDNOTES
[i] The Library of Congress/American Memory ,Digital ID: g3701s cw0011000.
[ii] Kendrew of York, mid nineteenth century broadside, original lyrics and melody can be traced to Irish origins.
[iii] Moorhead, James Howell. “Religion in the Civil War: The northern Side,” National Humanities Center http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/nineteen/nkeyinfo/cwnorth.htm
[iv] Powell, robert A. “Kentucky Governors” 1976.
[v] Diary of Rev. Abraham Essick.
[vi] Stout, Harry S. and Edwards, Jonathan., “ Civil War: The Southern Perspective,” National Humanities Center http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/nineteen/nkeyinfo/cwsouth.htm
[vii] Gordon, John Steele. “An Empire of Wealth : The Epic history of American Economic Power” p. 195.
[viii] Scott, Jeffery Warren and Jeffreys, Mary Ann. “Fighter of Faith” http://www.christianitytoday.com/holidays/memorial/features/33h034.html
[ix] Ayers, Edward L. “Reviews” The Journal of Southern Religion, 1998-99.
[x] Scott, Jeffery Warren and Jeffreys, Mary Ann. “Fighter of Faith” http://www.christianitytoday.com/holidays/memorial/features/33h034.html
[xi] Mitchell, Patricia B. “ Confederate Camp Cooking” 1991.
[xii] Berry, Mary Clay. “Voices from the Century Before: The Odyssey of a 19th Century Kentucky Family” 1997.

A Matter of Politics and Religion

“The thing worse than rebellion, is the thing that causes rebellion.”

~ Frederick Douglas

Slavery was not the singular cause of antagonism which ignited the Civil War. Nevertheless, slavery was a primary cause of dissention between Northern and Southern political and religious leaders.

Contrary to popular mythology, not every Northerner was an abolitionist. Classic to the prevailing Northern sentiment was a group of wealthy Northern businessmen who candidly admitted their opposition to the expansion of slavery into newly formed states was not due to any feelings of piety, empathy, or beliefs in equality. Rather, they stated that their opposition was purely a financial matter. The businessmen did not wish to be forced to compete against slave labor within the expanding economic market[i]. Similarly, not all Southerners were slaveholders. Many white Southerners were poor rural farmers who never owned slaves. Personal views on slavery were mixed throughout the North and South. Union General Ulysses S. Grant’s wife owned slaves during the Civil War [ii]. Conversely, when Confederate General Robert E. Lee received slaves from his father-in-law's will, he released them[iii]. Even Abraham Lincoln seemed hesitant to put an end to the “particular institution.” In 1858 he spoke the following words:

“I will say, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about, in any way, a social and political equality of the White and Black races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with White people. I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the White and Black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the White race.”

The North and South had developed very different life styles, economic systems, and political beliefs. Understanding these differences is critical to comprehending the multiple causes of the Civil War. Sectionalism had taken root. Northern and Southern Statesmen had become loyal only to their own special interest. The interests of the national as a whole had been forgotten. Likewise, average citizens identified more with the region in which they resided. A man was more likely to identify himself as a NewYorker or a Texas than as an American.

The North had established itself as an industrial society. Labor for Northern factories was supplied by an underclass of newly arrived European immigrants. These immigrants often worked 16 and 18 hour days for paltry wages which failed to provide them with a minimal subsistence. Conversely, the Southern production of rice, hemp, sugar cane, tobacco, and cotton, along the invention of Eli Whitney’s cotton gin had combined to create an agrarian, plantation based society. By 1860 cotton reigned as the chief crop of the South and represented 57 percent of all U.S. exports[iv]. The great dilemma of the Southern economy was its dependency on slavery. Both slavery and indentured servitude had been an accepted part of agrarian culture within the American Colonies since 1619, when a Dutch ship brought 20 enslaved Africans to the Virginia colony at Jamestown. The white settlers of Virginia had brought the practice of slavery with them from their English homeland. Popular opinion of the 17th and 18th Centuries did not condemn slavery. Viewed as an economic issue, slavery was rarely addressed as an ethical quandary. Thus, the Evans family viewed the ability to own slaves and hire European immigrant laborers as a benefit of wealth.

Edward Evans, progenitor of Nelson County Evans Line, settled in Kentucky by 1795 [v]. He left solid evidence that he was a politically aware individual. While we do not have record of his voting habits, he clearly displayed his political opinions when he named his son, Isaac Greenup Evans, after Kentucky Governor Christopher Greenup. This selection of name sake reflected the Evans’ leanings toward the Democratic-Republican Party which had been founded by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. The Democratic-Republican Party favored state’s rights as opposed to the Federal government “meddling” in the affairs of the people. Furthermore, they reflected the concerns of wealthy farmers by supporting rural, agricultural interests and favoring the Jeffersonian ideal of one educated, white male landowner being entitled to one vote. The Revolutionary war was still fresh in the minds of leadership of Democratic-Republican Party. Thus it opposed close ties with Great Britain and supported the legitimacy of the French Revolution.

"I am for preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union"

~ Thomas Jefferson

Edward Evans raised his children in the Methodist Episcopal Church, which traced its roots back to England and John Wesley. While the church had experienced heated debate and division over the issue of slave ownership, the debate did not influence the habits of the many wealthy, influential Southerners. Thus, Edward Evans saw no moral dilemma in being a slaveholder[vi]. Following in his father’s footsteps, Dr. Isaac Greenup Evans also owned slaves and practiced the Methodist Episcopal faith.

In 1860 Dr. Isaac Greenup Evans owned eight slaves[vii] and had 2 white “servants” living in his household[viii]. From Kentucky Census Records we know that the servants were a 45 year old Irishman immigrant, Mr. James McKay, who was listed as a laborer and Ada Bevin a 60 year old woman. While the names of the slaves are unknown, the 1860 Slave Schedules list their ages as one 40 year old male black, one 10 year old male black, one four year old male black, one 40 year old female black, one 36 year old female black, one 15 year old female black, one 3 year old female black, one 1 year old female black.

In the Southern mind, Christianity and slavery were not diametrically opposed. Southern religion and Southern culture were mutually reinforcing.

“The primary focus of those using Christianity to defend slavery and segregation was the story of Noah, specifically the part where his son Ham is cursed to serve his brothers. This story long functioned as a model for Christians to insist that God meant Africans to be marked as the servants of others because they are descended from Ham. Secondary was the story of the Tower of Babel as a model for God’s desire to separate people generally rather than have them united in common cause and purpose.”[ix] .

Religious leaders across the nation engaged in arguments regarding slavery. For the first time, slavery became a moral issue. The Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist churches, unable to settle the issue among their membership, divided into Northern and Southern sects. These denominational schisms broke the bonds of national unity, by establishing a model for regional independence and sovereignty, reinforcing hostilities between the North and the South through the spreading gross and distorted images in sermons and tracts, and elevating the level of moral outrage the North and South felt towards each other [x] .

“It can be argued that the Civil War was as much theological as it was political. The split between northern and southern churches may have precipitated political secession — once religious leaders stopped trying to work together, political leaders didn’t bother. Ministers signed up for war in larger numbers, especially in the South. All the officers in one Texas regiment were, apparently, Methodist preachers. Religious propaganda drove war fever and inspired confidence in ultimate victory.” [xi] .

Political debate over slavery was increasingly embedded with religious language with both sides loudly proclaiming that the Bible supported their views. Northerners appealed to the spirit of the Bible in opposing slavery, whereas Southerners appealed to the letter of the Bible in defending slavery.

“The Bible sanctioned slavery and by implication the society in which it existed. The Bible allowed for slavery but also pronounced judgment on societies where the slave-master relation was abused.”[xii].

The Republican Party found support from evangelical Protestants of the North, even encouraging its membership to adopt the language and passages from their sermons. Reticent Southern evangelicals refused to blur the separation between the church and state. However, when Northern evangelicals attempted to equate the Kingdom of God with the Republican Party, Southern evangelicals quickly came to the defense of the Confederacy [xiii].Abolitionists then jumped into the fray in an effort to persuade Northern churches to endorse demands for immediate emancipation[xiv]. Not every Republican however was eager to embrace immediate emancipation.

“I have no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not now exist amongst them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist amongst us, we should not instantly give it up…. I surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institution.”[xv].

~ Abraham Lincoln

Politicians were reaching the end of their tethers. They had come to realize that compromise on slavery, states rights, and tariffs would not be reached due to increasingly open hostilities.

“I worked night and day for twelve years to prevent the war, but I could not. The North, mad and blind, would not let us govern ourselves, and so the war came.”

~ Jefferson Davis

The South, resisting industrialization, clung tenaciously to its agrarian lifestyle. Because they chose not to develop manufacturing capabilities, the South was forced to import man-made products. Thus Southern states opposed the high tariffs which had been placed on imported goods. The United States government heavily taxed the importation of all finished products, which the South consumed, while allowing Northern businessmen to import raw materials without paying import fees. In Congressional debate, The South cried foul. The North responded that it was only protecting its economy. Furthermore, Northerners claimed that tariffs were necessary to protect their products foreign competition which could offer lower prices. Disgruntled Southerners complained that the North was stealing the profits of the cotton crop by imposing tariffs. They fully understood that the tariffs were designed to support American industry and that these taxes were successful in benefiting the Northern industrial economy. However, Southerners continually asserted that the tariffs were damaging the Southern agricultural economy [xvi].

Southern statesmen where quick to point out that, under Federal Legislation, the exports of the South had been the basis of the Federal Revenue. Exports of agricultural products were taxed, keeping the grower’s profits low. Cotton and tobacco exports from Virginia, the two Carolina's, and Georgia, defrayed three fourths of the annual expense of supporting the Federal Government. Yet, even as the South supplied this source of revenue, nothing, or next to nothing, was returned to them in the shape of Government expenditures such as roads, turnpikes, and canals. Thus, the statesmen claimed, wealth disappeared from the South only to rise again in the North filling the pockets greedy of Yankee business men, bankers, and politicians. Therefore, Southners refused to continue as the economic vassals of the North. The South foresaw greater economic opportunity under its own rule, rather than in unrelenting subservience to the oppressive, Northern controlled government of the United States.


ENDNOTES
[i] Civil War- MSN Encarta http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761567354/civil_war.html
[ii] James Ronald Kennedy and Walter Donald Kennedy, “ The South was Right!” Second ed., 1994, p. 27
[iii] Scott, Jeffery Warren and Jefferys, Mary Ann. “Fighters of Faith,” http://www.christianitytoday.com/holidays/memorial/features/33h034.html
[iv] Civil War- MSN Encarta http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761567354/civil_war.html
[v] 1795 Washington County Census
[vi] Virginia Circuit Court Records Preservation Program, Record 92-1, " Edmondson vs. McNeale" supports the fact that Edward Evans was married to Sarah Sally Edmondson daughter of Patty Stevens Edmondson and niece of Gen. Edward Stevens. Edward Evans is listed as a Plantiff in this suit reagrding the distrubution of the slaves of Edward Stevens.
[vii] Slave Schedules, 1860 Kentucky, Nelson County, District 1: Isaac G Evan's slave ownership list, lines 33 - 40
[viii] 1860 Kentucky Census, Nelson County, District 1
[ix] Cline, Austine. "Christianity in the Confederate South: Southern Nationalism and Christianity,” http://atheism.about.com/od/christianismnationalism/p/ConfederateSout.htm
[x] Goen, C. C. “Broken Churches, Broken Nation” 1985
[xi] Cline, Austin. "Christianity in the Confederate South: Southern Nationalism and Christianity,” http://atheism.about.com/od/christianismnationalism/p/ConfederateSout.htm
[xii] Noll, Mark “Religion and the American Civil War,” 1998, p. 49
[xiii] Carwardine, Richard J.“Evangelicals and Politics in Antebellum America” 1993
[xiv] McKivigan, John R. “War Against Proslavery Religion: Abolitionism and the Northern Churches, 1830-1865,” 1985
[xv] Freedman, Russell.“ Lincoln: A Photobiography,” 1987, p. 52
[xvi] Swogger, Michael J.“ American Civil War. Causes of the Civil War: Taxes and Tariffs,” 1998, p. 2